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Few recent issues in psychiatry have polarized the various stakeholders in the mental health system as much as has the propriety of introducing community treatment orders (CTOs). While much of the conflict appears to be based on misunderstanding, some reflects the different philosophical perspectives of the protagonists. This paper outlines the major points of contention and attempts to explain why individuals and groups who share a common concern for the well-being of those suffering from mental illness take such starkly opposing positions on CTOs. DefinitionsA CTO is a legal provision by which a physician may require a person with mental illness who meets specific criteria to follow a course of treatment while living in the community. It is helpful to distinguish between diversionary and preventive CTOs (1). To be placed on a diversionary CTO, a person must meet the jurisdiction’s inpatient committal criteria. In contrast, a person can be placed on a preventive CTO even if he or she does not meet the inpatient committal criteria. The rationale for a preventive CTO is to avert deterioration to the level of the jurisdiction’s inpatient committal criteria, and the criteria for preventive CTOs often include a requirement that the person have a history of involuntary admissions. Other legal models that require an individual to follow a course of care and treatment in the community include court-ordered outpatient committal, which is available in most jurisdictions in the US (2); conditional leave from hospital, which is available in several Canadian jurisdictions (3); and guardianship legislation, which is available in most Canadian provinces. This article uses the term mandatory outpatient treatment (MOT) when referring to the generic forms of compulsory community treatment. Although there are legal and administrative differences between the various types of MOT, the polemics of the debate on their usefulness and appropriateness are similar. Arguments For and Against CTOsTables 1 and 2 outline the major arguments for and against the use of CTOs. The rationale for the use of CTOs rests primarily on the fact that deinstitutionalisation resulted in the discharge to the community of a cohort of individuals without the insight to recognize that they are ill or that they need treatment. Proponents of CTOs argue that society has a duty to ensure that such individuals receive appropriate care and treatment when, as a consequence of refusing treatment, they are unable to care for themselves or pose a risk to themselves or to others. Proponents claim that research studies provide unequivocal proof of efficacy with no evidence of untoward effects. Opponents object to the coercive nature of CTOs. Opponents also fear that CTOs have unintended negative consequences. They believe that, once available, CTOs will be overused and that there are viable alternatives.
Origins of the ControversyPhilosophical Perspectives This is not a new debate. Freedom of choice for individuals with mental illness was a source of dispute through the 1960s and 1970s, but at that time, the battleground was involuntary inpatient committal and treatment. That battle has largely ended with an affirmation of inpatient civil commitment, although its use is limited by a dramatic reduction in available psychiatric inpatient beds. In the contemporary debate on compulsory treatment in the community, proponents argue that CTOs prevent involuntary hospitalization and are thus consistent with the principle of providing treatment in the least restrictive setting. This may be a reasonable claim for diversionary CTOs wherein the patient already meets the criteria for inpatient committal, but it cannot be as easily applied to preventive CTOs. Moreover, some critics of CTOs argue that where the coercion occurs is irrelevant: they believe that coercion in any context is noxious (5). There can be little argument that those subjected to MOT experience coercion (6). However, recent research findings indicating that individuals with mental illnesses would prefer a treatment order to involuntary hospitalization (7) support the belief that the concept of least restrictive setting has validity. Slippery Slope Concerns that health professionals may ignore individual rights stem from the lack of civil rights accorded to individuals confined to psychiatric hospitals prior to the 1970s. It may be argued that the early 20th-century lack of rights for those institutionalized with mental illness occurred in a context wherein the philosophy of individual rights had not been fully established. In the last 30 years, Canadian mental health acts have strengthened individual rights by providing various procedural protections, such as access to an appeals process and the right to representation. Are Treatment Orders Effective? Research on MOT is a somewhat murky area. Reviews of the early studies have noted methodological weaknesses that inflated estimates of its effect (12,13). Two randomized controlled trials (RCTs) have recently been undertaken. One, the New York study, did not find a statistically significant difference in hospitalization between patients on court-ordered outpatient committal and control subjects (15)—probably because there were too few subjects in the study (16). The other, the North Carolina study, was larger, but the reported effectiveness of outpatient committal in maintaining patients in the community was found in post hoc analysis and limited to patients who spent extended periods on MOT (17). This result remains contentious (18). Researchers have reported other types of improved outcomes for patients on MOT. For example, despite suggestions that coerced treatment in the community may drive patients from the mental health system (19), it has been consistently shown that patients on treatment orders are more likely to follow up with mental health services (20–25). This is an improvement that persists even after MOT is discontinued (20,21). The RCT in North Carolina found that patients on treatment orders were less likely to be victimized (26). Other studies demonstrated a reduction in violent behaviour by patients placed on MOT (24,27). However, of the 2 RCTs (both of which excluded violent patients), the New York study reported no effect on violence (15), while the North Carolina study found that violent behaviour was significantly reduced in those patients who stayed on treatment orders for at least 6 months (28). It has been suggested that MOT should not be used, pending the results of further RCTs (19). However, further RCTs are unlikely in the near future. They are intrinsically difficult to conduct (29), not least because they require that one group of subjects be excluded from the provisions of a legal statute. Moreover, testing the efficacy of MOT is not the same as testing a new medication. Disparate findings are to be expected when different forms of MOT are compared in different types of patients, with different outcome measures. The North Carolina RCT had sufficient power to start to tease out the specific scenarios in which MOT is most likely to be effective. This study concluded that patients with nonaffective psychosis who were maintained on treatment orders for 6 months or longer and provided with high-intensity clinical service demonstrated the greatest reduction in hospital use (17,30). Therapeutic Relationship Alternatives to CTOs Advance directives have also been proposed as alternatives to CTOs (31). Individuals execute an advance directive when they appoint a proxy decision maker and (or) state treatment preferences for future situations. The Ulysses contract is a specific form of advance directive in which individuals authorize the use of force to ensure that they follow a course of treatment in specific circumstances when they are incapable of making the decision themselves (32). Advance directives that outline treatment preferences are most suitable when a person has previously experienced the illness (33). Clinicians recommend MOT for individuals who have chronic illness associated with lack of insight (1). Use of an advance directive requires a period of planning during which the patient is capable of assessing the need for coercion in various circumstances that may or may not occur in the future. However, for many individuals with illnesses such as schizophrenia that starts in adolescence or early adult life and is often associated with premorbid cognitive abnormalities and permanent lack of insight thereafter, there is no opportunity to do this type of sophisticated planning. Treatment Capacity When a person is capable of weighing the risks and benefits of treatment and the consequences of refusing treatment, that person has the right to make his or her own treatment decisions. The exception may be a person who has been involuntarily hospitalized. Some scholars argue that, when the state deprives a person of liberty because of mental illness, the state has a further duty to provide standard treatment that is often the only key to liberty (3). However, this argument does not apply to compulsory treatment in the community, where the patient is not confined. Several jurisdictions, including Saskatchewan (34) and Victoria, Australia (10), stipulate that CTOs are only to be used when a person is incapable of consenting to his or her own treatment. The Canadian Psychiatric Association has also adopted this position (1). The procedure for authorizing treatment when a patient is found to be incapable varies greatly among Canadian jurisdictions (35). In some provinces, the treating physician decides for the patient. However, it seems preferable that a second responsible person also be involved in deciding the appropriateness of treatment for a patient whom the physician has deemed incapable of consenting to treatment. This would provide some assurance that clinical alternatives, including the possibility of foregoing treatment, are fully considered in cases where patients experience substantial side effects. Unwarranted Focus on Violence There have long been arguments about whether a relation exists between mental illness and violence (36) or even whether persons with mental illness are less likely to be dangerous (37). However, recent empirical evidence indicates that mental illness is associated with increased violent behaviour (38), mostly accounted for by patients with active symptoms (39) who are not adhering to treatment (40). Research also indicates that the use of various forms of MOT may reduce the risk of violent behaviour (27,28). However, the low proportion of violent acts by people with mental illness (41) and the low use of MOT mean that introducing treatment orders is unlikely to lead to substantially reduced rates of community violence. Thus, the introduction of MOT is more appropriately debated in the context of the potential benefits to individuals who suffer from severe mental illness. Duration of CTOs For how long is it reasonable to require a person living outside hospital to adhere to a plan of treatment? Many patients with psychotic disorders such as schizophrenia have permanently impaired insight: they never come to understand that they are ill and need treatment (44). It therefore seems likely that some of these individuals will need ongoing compulsion or inducement to adhere to clinical treatment, which probably explains why several research studies have shown that MOT is most likely to be effective when it is used over extended periods of time (17,23,26,28). Considering the persistence of symptoms in patients who are typical candidates for MOT and the research on MOT duration, it is surprising, and perhaps disconcerting, to find that most patients are maintained on MOT for brief periods (8,9). An interesting clinical dilemma is raised by patients with a stormy clinical history who settle and remain stable while on a CTO (45). Is this stability a measure of the success of the CTO and an indication that it should be continued—or is it an indication that the patient has improved and that the CTO is no longer warranted? One germane piece of research found that, when treatment orders are withdrawn for stable patients, approximately one-half do well and the other one-half have poorer outcomes (46). Resources and CTOs It is less easy to dismiss concerns that governments struggling with budgetary deficits may be tempted to rely on coercion to ensure adherence to medication treatment as an alternative to providing a comprehensive package of services that include case management, vocational training, and supportive housing. The limited research relevant to this issue suggests that such a strategy would not be successful. In the North Carolina RCT, reduced violence and hospitalization occurred only in those patients for whom sustained MOT was combined with high-intensity services (28,30). Several Canadian provinces have attempted to ensure adequate services for patients on CTOs or conditional leave by requiring in their statutes that services to support the CTO (or conditional leave) must be available in the community. It remains to be seen whether this is sufficient leverage to ensure that services are actually provided. A CTO commits physicians and other professionals to provide care and treatment in the community just as much as it commits patients to accept the care and treatment provided. When physicians and other clinicians agree to monitor a patient on a CTO, they commit to assisting the patient even if the patient has little interest in following a treatment plan. Formerly, such patients were too often allowed to simply to drop out of treatment and decompensate out of sight. Critics worry that MOT siphons resources away from patients who voluntarily seek help (19). This argument might have more validity if more patients were being placed on MOT. Even for the few patients placed on treatment orders, however, it is important to bear in mind that MOT is used because they have severe and debilitating illnesses. In other areas of health care, individuals with the most severe illness are given priority access to scarce resources. Difficulty Monitoring Rights in a Community Setting SummaryDeinstitutionalisation is an ongoing process, not a historical event. In the coming years we will be obliged to care for larger numbers of even more challenging patients in community settings. It is difficult to conceive how this can be successfully achieved without transferring to the community some components of the legal authority that has been necessary to provide adequate care and treatment in hospitals. The challenge will be to ensure that patients who have no understanding that they suffer from a mental illness and require treatment receive necessary treatment and care in the community, while at the same time ensuring that coercion is kept to a minimum and that civil rights are respected. References1. O’Reilly RL, Brooks SA, Chaimowitz GA, Neilson GE, Carr PE, Zikos E, and others. Mandatory outpatient treatment. Position Paper 2003-43. Ottawa: Canadian Psychiatric Association; 2003. Available: www.cpa-apc.org/ Publications/Position_Papers/mandatory.asp 2. Gerbasi JB, Bonnie RJ, Binder RL. Resource document on mandatory outpatient treatment. J Am Acad Psychiatry Law 2000;28:127–44. 3. Gray JE, Shone MA, Liddle PF. Canadian mental health law and policy. Toronto: Butterworths; 2000. 4. Mill JS. [On liberty, 1859]. Amherst (NY): Prometheus Books; 1986. p 16. 5. Fulop NJ. Involuntary outpatient civil commitment: What can Britain learn from the US. experience? 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Swartz MS, Burns BJ, George LK, Swanson J, Hiday VA, Borum R, Wagner HR. The ethical challenges of a randomized control trial of involuntary outpatient commitment. J Ment Health Admin 1997;24:35–43. 30. Swartz MS, Swanson JW, Wagner HR, Burns BJ, Hiday VA, Borum R. Can involuntary outpatient commitment reduce hospital recidivism? Findings from a randomized trial with severely mentally ill individuals. Am J Psychiatry 1999;156:1968–75. 31. Holloway F, Szmukler G, Sullivan D. Involuntary outpatient treatment. Curr Opin Psychiatry 2000;23:689–92. 32. Cuca R. Ulysses in Minnesota: first steps toward a self-binding advance directive statute. Cornell Law Rev 1993;79:1152–86. 33. Appelbaum PS. Thinking carefully about outpatient commitment. Psychiatr Serv 2001;52:347–50. 34. Mental Health Services Act SS. 1984–85, 86, c M-13.1 as amended by 1993, c 59. 35. Gray JE, O’Reilly RL. Clinically significant differences among Canadian mental health acts. Can J Psychiatry 2001;46:315–21. 36. 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Chicago (IL): University of Chicago Press; 1994. p 101–36. 42. O’Reilly RL, Chamberlaine CH. Criteria for admission to psychiatric units: Have we raised the bar too high? Can J Psychiatry 2000;45:392. 43. McCafferty G, Dooley J. Involuntary outpatient commitment: an update. Mental and Physical Law Reporter 1990;14:277–87. 44. Amador XF, Strauss DH, Yale SA, Flaum MM, Endicott J, Gorman JM. Assessment of insight in psychosis. Am J Psychiatry 1993;150:873–9. 45. Dawson J, Romans S, Gibbs A, Ratter N. Ambivalence about community treatment orders. Int J Law Psychiatry 2003;26:243–55. 46. Munetz MR, Grande T, Kleist J, Peterson GA, Vuddagiri S. What happens when effective outpatient civil commitment is terminated? New Dir Men Health Serv 1997;75:49–59. 47. Schwartz SJ, Costanzo CE. Compelling treatment in the community: distorted doctrines and violated values. Loyola of Los Angeles Law Rev 1987;20:1329–429. 48. Mulvey EP, Geller JL, Roth LH. The promise and peril of involuntary outpatient commitment. Am Psychol 1987;42:571–84. Author(s)Manuscript received and accepted May 2004. 1. Professor, Department of Psychiatry, The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario. Address for correspondence: Dr R O’Reilly, Regional Mental Health Care, 850 Highbury Avenue North, PO Box 5532, Station A, London, ON N6A 4H1 e-mail: roreilly@uwo.ca
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