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In recent years, several programs have been initiated to reduce stigma and discrimination related to mental illness in general or to schizophrenia in particular (1–3). To reach this goal, numerous strategies have targeted the various stages of the stigma process (4). Quite often, unfortunately, strategies have had to be chosen primarily based on intuition rather than on empirical evidence (5). Only recently have conceptualizations of stigma’s various components been proposed that may prove helpful for planning antistigma activities (6–8). Only recently, as well, have first attempts been made to test the effectiveness of different antistigma strategies empirically, using social-psychological experiments (for example, 9–12). This study is based on data from a representative survey. It examines the extent to which social distance is influenced by people’s beliefs about schizophrenia; that is, their ability to recognize symptoms of mental illness, their causal attributions, and their expectations concerning illness prognosis. It also examines the most pervasive stereotypes about schizophrenia sufferers; that is, that they are unpredictable and dangerous (13). The following questions are addressed: Which has a stronger impact on social distance, misperceptions about the illness or misperceptions about people suffering from it? Who, therefore, might be more promising candidates for antistigma interventions? We also test the following propositions derived from stigma theory:
MethodsSample Interview MeasuresSocial Distance Problem Definition Causal Attributions Anticipated Prognosis Personal Attributes ResultsAs shown in Table 1, most respondents (71%) perceived the problem described in the vignette to be a mental illness. Among the sources of the problem, psychosocial stress and biological factors predominate. The main causes invoked were life events (72.5%), brain disease (69%), hereditary factors (59%), and chronic stress in the form of work difficulties (59%). Alcohol abuse was held responsible by 53% of the respondents. Having grown up in a broken home was less frequently considered to be at the root of the problem (40%), followed by lack of will power (37%) and lack of parental affection (15%). Thus, respondents tended to adopt causal attributions that are supported by psychiatric research rather than those that are not in accordance with it. Respondents felt rather gloomy about the further course: 69% expected the present condition to deteriorate. The individual depicted in the vignette was considered unpredictable by 54% of the respondents and dangerous by 30%.
In the next step, we investigated whether preferences to avoid social contact with schizophrenia sufferers are differentially influenced by what is known about the illness and by which personal attributes are attached to someone suffering from it. Table 2 shows the results of the regression of respondents’ desire for social distance on the predictor variables. Model 1 displays the results of the baseline model that expresses social distance as a function of the 4 sociodemographic characteristics: sex, age, education, and place of residence. Model 2 adds to the equation the set of variables referencing the respondents’ recognition of the described problem as mental illness, their causal attributions, and their expectations concerning the prognosis. Finally, model 3 assesses the effect of attributing unpredictability and dangerousness to the depicted individual by adding these 2 variables on the final step.
In the baseline model 1, the coefficients indicate that socio- demographic characteristics have a minimal impact, accounting for only 1.4% of the variance in expressed desire for social distance. Only age is found to significantly influence stated preferences for avoiding social contact with people suffering from schizophrenia: the older the respondents, the stronger the tendency to shun these people. In model 2 we ask, net of sociodemographic characteristics, whether knowledge about schizophrenia—that is, recognition as mental illness, causal attributions, and anticipated prognosis—affects preferences for social distance. As predicted, respondents who identified the subject depicted in the vignette as suffering from mental illness were more likely to report a desire to avoid these people. Also as expected, respondents who blamed the individual for the disorder’s development (that is, for an immoral lifestyle or alcohol abuse) were more likely to express a desire for social distance. By contrast, those who perceived the disorder to be the result of the conditions under which someone grew up were less likely to say that they would shun the individual. Contrary to what might be predicted, respondents who attributed the disorder to a brain disease, as well as those who endorsed hereditary influences, tended to be less rather than more willing to make contact with the individual depicted in the vignette. Finally, respondents who reckoned with a bad prognosis showed a stronger preference for social distance. Taken together, these illness-related variables add 8.5 % to explained variance. In model 3, we add the 2 personal attributes (unpredictability and dangerousness) to the model tested. As shown in Table 2, both strongly influence social distance, increasing considerably the public’s expression of the desire to avoid contact with people having schizophrenia. The independent impact of the 2 variables is a powerful component of our model of social distance, accounting for an additional 9.7% of explained variance. In addition, the perceptions of dangerousness and unpredictability have a mediating effect, attenuating by one-third the influence of perception of the problem as mental illness and by over one-half the influence of its attribution to a brain disease. As well, these 2 variables reduce to non- significance the effect of causal attributions to heredity and immoral life style. With regard to desire for social distance, the importance of the perception that people with schizophrenia are unpredictable and dangerous becomes even more evident if both personal attributes and beliefs about the disorder are entered in reverse order into the regression equation. When added directly after sociodemographic characteristics, the 2 personal attributes account for not less than an additional 14.9%. When the perception of the problem as mental illness is added in the third model, causal attributions and perceived prognosis only increase explained variance by 3.3%. DiscussionOur findings suggest that both labelling and beliefs about the causes and prognosis of schizophrenia, as well as the perceptions of those suffering from it as being unpredictable and dangerous, influence the public’s desire for social distance. However, our findings also suggest that it is the latter which is of greater importance. Perceived unpredictability and dangerousness explain a larger amount of variance and mediate part of the effect of illness beliefs on desire for social distance. The implications for antistigma interventions are evident. To reduce the discrimination experienced by people with schizophrenia, it seems particularly important to focus efforts on these misperceptions. What complicates the issue is the abundant evidence from recent epidemiological studies that the relative risk for violent crimes is in fact somewhat higher among people with schizophrenia, compared with the general population (23). However, increasing evidence also indicates that the attributable risk—that is, the proportion of violent crime in society committed by people with schizophrenia—is rather small (24,25). This sharply contrasts with the public’s perception of the great danger posed by people with schizophrenia. As pointed out by Walsh and others, the public should be informed about both types of risk (25). If data on only relative risk are reported, a skewed picture may emerge, and preexisting stereotypes may be reinforced. However, to convey these 2 risk concepts to the public may prove difficult, and thus, it may not be easy to change these stigmatizing misperceptions (13). Our findings are in line with labelling theory. As expected, respondents who identified the depicted disorder as mental illness expressed a stronger desire for social distance than those who did not recognize it as such. Our findings also support the notion that the assumption of a poor prognosis increases the risk of stigmatization. Concerning causal attributions, our results are rather mixed. In accordance with attribution theory, the more respondents tended to blame the person for the disorder, the more they reported a desire for social distance. However, endorsing biological factors as cause was not associated with reduced social distance. Quite the opposite, the more respondents attributed the disorder to brain disease or heredity, the more they tended to distance themselves from the person depicted in the vignette. Finally, locating the cause in the way the person had been brought up was associated with a decreased desire for social distance. One faces the paradoxical situation that endorsing causes which are rather unsupported by empirical evidence is associated with less rejection, while endorsing causes considered to be well supported by research findings is associated with increased social distance. Against this backdrop, the current emphasis of destigma- tization programs on educating the public about the biological nature of schizophrenia appears problematic. If the behaviour of persons with mental illness is seen as the result of chemical imbalances and genetic flaws, it may follow that they are considered to have little or no control over their behaviour and are therefore not responsible for it. This assumption may lead the layperson to conclude that the persons with mental illness are unpredictable and violent (26). Believing in biological aberrations may increase rather than decrease the separation from “them”—individuals considered to be very different from “us”—and, consequently, intensify the desire for distance (7). Teaching the public the biological model of schizophrenia may make people more knowledgeable about the state of psychiatric research and may improve their “mental health literacy” (27); however, this may not increase their understanding of persons suffering from the disorder or allow them to become more accepting. Funding and SupportThe project was supported by the German Research Association (grant AN 101/5-1). References1. Crisp AH. Changing minds: every family in the land. An update on the College’s campaign. Psychiatr Bull 2000;24:267–8. 2. Lopez-Ibor Jr JJ. The WPA and the fight against stigma because of mental illness. World Psychiatry 2002;1:30–1. 3. Sartorius N. Fighting schizophrenia and stigma: a new WPA educational program. Br J Psychiatry 1997;170:297. 4. Angermeyer MC, Schulze B. Reducing the stigma of schizophrenia: understanding the process and option for intervention. Epidemiol Psichiatr Soc 2001;10:1–7. 5. Angermeyer MC. From intuition to evidence-based anti-stigma interventions. World Psychiatry 2002;1:21–2. 6. Corrigan PW, Watson AC. Understanding the impact of stigma on people with mental illness. World Psychiatry 2002;1:16–20. 7. Link BG, Phelan JC. Conceptualizing stigma. Annu Rev Sociol 2001;27:363–85. 8. Sartorius N. The vicious circles of stigma. Paper presented at the First International Conference on Reducing Stigma and Discrimination because of Schizophrenia; 2001; Leipzig. 9. Corrigan PW, Penn DL. Lessons from social psychology on discrediting psychiatric stigma. Am Psychol 1999;54:765–76. 10. Corrigan PW, River LP, Lundin RK, Penn DL, Uphoff-Wasowski K, Campion J, and others. Three strategies for changing attributions about severe mental illness. Schizophr Bull 2001;27:187–95. 11. Holmes EP, Corrigan PW, Williams P, Canar J, Kubiak MA. Changing attitudes about schizophrenia. Schizophr Bull 1999;25:447–56. 12. Penn DL, Kommana S, Mansfield M, Link BG. Dispelling the stigma of schizophrenia: II. The impact of information on dangerousness. Schizophr Bull 25:437–46. 13. Crisp AH, Gelder MG, Rix S, Meltzer HI, Rowlands OJ. Stigmatisation of people with mental illnesses. Br J Psychiatry 1999;177:4–7. 14. Link BG, Cullen FT, Frank J, Wozniak JF. The social rejection of former mental patients: understanding why labels matter. Am J Sociol 1987;92:1461–500. 15. Corrigan PW, River LP, Lundin RK, Uphoff-Wasowski K, Campion J, Mathisen J, and others. Stigmatizing attributions about mental illness. J Community Psychol 2000;28:91–102. 16. Weiner B, Perry RP, Magnusson J. An attributional analysis of reactions to stigmas. J Pers Soc Psychol 1988;55:738–48. 17. Jones EE, Farina A, Hastrof AH, Markus H, Miller DT, Scott RA. Social stigma: the psychology of marked relationships. New York: Freeman; 1984. 18. Federal Statistical Office. Statistical Yearbook 2002 for the Federal Republic of Germany. Stuttgart: Metzler-Poeschel; 2002. 19. Link BG, Cullen F. Reconsidering the social rejection of ex-mental patients: levels of attitudinal response. Am J Community Psychol 1983;11:261–73. 20. Bogardus ES. Measuring social distances. J Appl Sociol 1925;1 2:216–26. 21. Gifi A. Non-linear multivariate analysis. Chichester: Wiley; 1990. 22. Angermeyer MC, Matschinger H. Social distance towards the mentally ill: results of representative surveys in the Federal Republic of Germany. Psychol Med 1997;27:131–41. 23. Angermeyer MC. Schizophrenia and violence. Acta Psychiatr Scand 2000;102(Suppl 407):63–7. 24. Stuart HL, Arboleda-Flórez JJ. A public health perspective on violent offences among persons with mental illness. Psychiatr Serv 2001;52:654– 9. 25. Walsh E, Buchanan A, Fahi T. Violence and schizophrenia: examining the evidence. Br J Psychiatry 2002;180:490–5. 26. Read J, Law A. The relationship of causal beliefs and contact with users of mental health services to attitudes to the “mentally ill.” Int J Soc Psychiatry 1999;45:216–29. 27. Jorm AF. Mental health literacy. Public knowledge and beliefs about mental disorders. Br J Psychiatry 2000;177:396–401. Author(s)Manuscript received and accepted August 2003. 1. Head, Department of Psychiatry, University of Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany. 2. Research Associate, Department of Psychiatry, University of Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany. 3. Senior Researcher, Department of Psychiatry, University of Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany. Address for correspondence: Dr MC Angermeyer, Department of Psychiatry, University of Leipzig, Johannisallee 20, D-04317 Leipzig, Germany e-mail: krausem@medizin.uni-leipzig.de
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