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Table 3 Factors associated with significantly increased prevalence of
children’s mental disorders
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|
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Relationship Between Factor and Prevalence of One or More Disordersa
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|
Factor
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OCHS
|
GSMS
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VTSABD
|
QCMHS
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BCMHS
|
|
Age
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Younger > older
(boys)
Older > younger
(girls)
|
Younger = older
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Older = younger (behavioural)
Older > younger (emotional)
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Younger > older (boys)
Older > younger (girls)
|
Older > younger
|
|
Sex
|
Boys > girls
(younger)
Girls > boys
(older)
|
Boys > girls
|
Boys > girls (behavioural)
Girls > boys (emotional)
|
Boys > girls
(overall)
Girls > boys
(older)
|
Boys > girls
|
|
Residence
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Urban > rural
|
Urban = rural
|
—
|
Urban = rural
|
Urban = rural
|
|
Family Income
|
Public income assistance > no public income assistance
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Below poverty line > above poverty line
|
—
|
—
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Neither parent working for pay
> one working
> both working
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|
Ethnicity
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—
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Native American = “White”b
African American = “White”b
|
—
|
—
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“Black”
= “White”
= South Asian
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|
a> indicates significantly increased prevalence; b= indicates no significant
differences in prevalence
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Table 4 Use of specialized mental health services by children with mental
disorders
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|
|
OCHS
(Ontario, Canada)
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MECA
(Eastern and Southern US)
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GSMS
(North Carolina, US)
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BCMHS
(England, Scotland, and Wales)
|
|
Rate of service-use (%)
|
16
|
25
|
22
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27
|
|
Type of service used
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Community mental health clinics, private practitioners, and social service
and justice agencies
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Community mental health clinics and private practitioners
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Community mental health clinics, psychiatric hospitals, residential and
foster treatment settings, and private practitioners
|
Community mental health and pediatric clinics
|
All studies except the VTSABD and the QCMHS reported patterns of service
use. As Table 4 shows, only 16% to 27% of children with mental disorders
received specialized mental health services from community mental health
clinics, private practitioners, or related social agencies (although each
study used somewhat different criteria to define these services). According
to the OCHS, however, 59% of children with mental disorders received primary
health care, and 24% received special education services for these problems
(18). The BCMHS reported that 40% of children with mental disorders received
primary health care, and 50% received education services for mental health
problems (31). The education system was described as “the major player”
in the system of care for children with mental health problems in the GSMS:
for most children who received any mental health care, the school system
was the sole provider (23, p 152).
The State of the Science: Unresolved Research Issues
Based on this review, it appears that progress has been made in child psychiatric
epidemiology, particularly with the use of standardized assessments that
include measures of impairment and multiple informants. Data have now been
collected from various settings, and consistent findings are emerging.
In particular, the finding that 14% of children have clinically important
mental disorders is robust, based on the 6 studies reviewed here. Concerning
associated factors such as sex and age, boys are at greater risk overall,
although risks for boys are greater when they are younger, and risks for
girls are greater when they are older. Low family income is linked with
significantly higher rates of mental disorders for all children. More research
is required to establish causation regarding these and other associated
factors. With patterns of service use, it appears that most children with
mental disorders do not receive specialized mental health services for
their mental health problems, although many receive primary health care
and school services.
Despite progress in the research, there are 3 unresolved methodological
issues in child psychiatric epidemiology that mitigate its usefulness for
policy-makers. The first issue involves defining thresholds for what constitutes
a clinically important disorder, or “caseness.” Essentially, epidemiological
studies must identify children with disorders on the basis of having both
significant symptoms and significant impairment (7,13). The use of standardized
protocols has improved consistency in assessing symptoms, but there is
still no agreement on how to assess impairment or on how to combine measures
of both symptoms and impairment (3). This inconsistency contributes to
the considerable variation in overall prevalence rates (10% to 20%) found
among studies, as Table 1 illustrates.
The use of informants is a second unresolved methodological issue. Most
authors agree that multiple informants should be used in child psychiatric
epidemiological studies, including children (particularly for older age
groups), parents, and teachers (13). Yet, poor agreement among informants
is frequently reported (18,21,28). Children, for example, typically report
higher rates of internalizing symptoms, such as anxiety and depression,
while parents report higher rates of externalizing symptoms, such as conduct
problems (34). The basic identification of child psychiatric disorders
appears to be greatly influenced by informants’ context and perceptions
(35). However, as Table 1 illustrates, there is not yet consensus on how
to reconcile, or even report, conflicting prevalence data obtained from
different informants. This lack of consensus also contributes to variation
in prevalence rates reported between studies.
A third unresolved methodological issue in child psychiatric epidemiology
involves the lack of standardization among studies regarding which data
are collected and how results are reported (3,13). As Table 2 illustrates,
each study assessed different disorders or groups of disorders. Some studies
were also more comprehensive than were others in terms of the number of
mental disorders assessed. Comparing overall prevalence rates then becomes
problematic. For instance, the GSMS assessed more disorders than did other
studies and, as a result, may report higher overall prevalence rates than
do studies assessing fewer disorders (24). As Tables 3 and 4 illustrate,
each study also collected and reported data on different associated factors
and service-use variables. More consistency in collecting and reporting
data would greatly help policy-makers, as well as other researchers, to
interpret research findings.
In addition to these 3 unresolved methodological issues, several important
questions remain unanswered in the current child psychiatric epidemiological
research, particularly concerning associated factors and patterns of service
use. The issue of diversity regarding First Nations and other cultural
groups has not been adequately addressed (3). Little is known about the
prevalence of mental disorders in younger children (35). Prospective studies
still need to be conducted to better understand the role of development,
comorbidity, and prognosis (7,36,37). Prospective studies are also needed
to determine which associated factors play a causal role in the onset of
disorders (38). Finally, patterns of service use are poorly understood.
That most children with mental disorders do not receive specialized mental
health services but may receive primary health care and school services
has significant implications for service planning and thus merits further
study (3).
Newer studies such as the GSMS are beginning to address some of these unresolved
methodological issues and unanswered questions. The GSMS is assessing children
longitudinally. It incorporates structured measures of both symptoms and
impairment, using multiple informants. It is also examining different cultural
groups and patterns of service use in different sectors (23,24,26). The
OCHS follow-up will address many of the same issues in Canada (Boyle MH,
Offord DR, Racine Y, personal communication, 2002).
Ultimately, policy-makers need to receive clear messages about which research
findings merit action. Ensuring that methodological issues and unanswered
questions are resolved are good first steps. However, the communication
of research findings must also be improved (an overarching issue in child
psychiatric epidemiology, as well as in many other health fields). Typically,
the results of child psychiatric epidemiological studies are reported mainly
in academic journals in formats that are relatively inaccessible to policy-makers.
For policy-makers to appropriately apply research findings, they must first
be communicated in user-friendly formats that better suit policy-makers’
needs and environments (11). To raise public awareness about the importance
of children’s mental health, child psychiatric epidemiological research
findings also need to be communicated better to popular media and child
advocacy groups. Perhaps most important, more research needs to be conducted
in closer partnership with policy-makers to help ensure better relevance
and dissemination.
The Art of the Possible: Implications for Policy-Making
Child psychiatric epidemiology is crucial for sound policy development
in the public sector. Researchers need to do their part by conducting high-quality
research and ensuring better communication of research findings to policy-makers
and others. The findings of recent studies, however, also pose a distinct
challenge to policy-makers.
Most important, policy-makers must come to terms with the high numbers
of children involved. Clearly, there is a policy shortfall, given that
14% of children, or 1.1 million in Canada, likely have clinically important
mental disorders and that most of these children do not receive specialized
mental health services. However, increased investment in clinical services
alone is unlikely to achieve a marked reduction in the burden of suffering
(12). At a minimum, the basic human resource and training issues preclude
reaching all children in need with clinical services (39). Complicating
matters further, evidence is still lacking on effectiveness for many clinical
treatments (6).
Instead, tackling the burden of suffering likely requires investing in
population (or public) health strategies, in addition to clinical services.
Population health models focus on whole populations, or on groups within
populations, and on improving family incomes, social supports, early child
development, and other nonmedical determinants of health for all children
(9,10). Conversely, clinical service models emphasize the provision of
diagnostic and treatment services for individuals who have disorders. Historically,
population health and clinical models have been seen as entirely distinct
from one another (40). Recently, however, consensus has emerged that the
2 approaches can be complementary and that both are needed to improve health
outcomes (41).
Offord and colleagues argued for multifaceted approaches in children’s
mental health, taking both population health and clinical considerations
into account (12). They suggested that lowering the burden of suffering
can only be achieved with a rational mix of universal programs to promote
health for all children, targeted preventive interventions for children
at risk, and clinical services for children with severe disorders. They
argued that all 3 levels of intervention are necessary and that synergies
may exist between the levels. For instance, universal programs involving
primary health care and early child development may “till the soil,” so
that targeted programs can be more effective, which may in turn reduce
the need for specialized clinical services. Jenkins agreed that mental
health policies should be multifaceted (4). She proposed that community-based
programs and services, including schools, should focus on mental health
promotion and prevention, while primary health care practitioners should
handle most basic mental health problems, and specialists should focus
on supporting primary care and providing services to those with the highest
needs.
In coming to terms with the high numbers of children involved, policy-makers
must ensure the effective and efficient use of public funds. Recent reports
from major American organizations, such as the National Institute of Mental
Health and the United States Surgeon General, have highlighted the numerous
administrative problems that hamper children’s mental health service delivery
efforts with regard to effectiveness and efficiency (5,6). Problems include
fragmentation among children’s mental health and related services, discipline
insularity, lack of evidence-based practice, and inability to monitor outcomes
(5,6,39). These recent reports suggest that coordination is urgently needed
among the various sectors involved with children. These sectors may include
(depending on the child’s developmental stage and need for services) public
health, primary care, early child development, social support, school,
specialized mental health, child protection, justice, hospital, and other
programs and services. These reports discuss the need to promote interdisciplinary
approaches and they advocate for redirecting public funds toward interventions
that have demonstrated effectiveness, based on the best available research
evidence. In addition, the inability to monitor outcomes over the long
term hampers planning in most jurisdictions. Attention to all these issues
is imperative if children’s mental health outcomes are to improve.
Ultimately, to guide their efforts at improving mental health outcomes
for children, policy-makers need timely and relevant research information
that is communicated clearly on an ongoing basis. Researchers need to do
their part to facilitate this process. By establishing ongoing collaborative
partnerships with researchers, policy-makers can also contribute to improved
timeliness and relevance by ensuring that their concerns are incorporated
into the design, conduct, and dissemination of the research at provincial
and national levels. Meanwhile, policy-makers have a responsibility to
ensure that the mechanisms are in place within their organizations to work
effectively with researchers and to apply research information as it becomes
available.
Conclusions
Returning to the art of the possible, child psychiatric epidemiology provides
much in the way of rational evidence, but public policy-making involves
many overriding nonrational political processes, as well. Although there
will always be limits to the usefulness of any research evidence in policy-making,
the science of epidemiology has the potential to help policy-makers by
describing children’s mental health needs in the population and by providing
the basis for long-term strategies to improve outcomes. More pragmatically,
the data on prevalence rates and patterns of service use may be persuasive
in obtaining additional resources for children’s mental health in times
of fiscal restraint. Similarly, these data can provide the rationale for
balanced responses when interest groups lobby for a single disorder or
for a single service approach.
Researchers can make child psychiatric epidemiology more useful to policy-makers
by resolving the outstanding issues that limit the state of the science.
Meanwhile, policy-makers in children’s mental health must grapple with
a high burden of suffering that demands multifaceted public policy strategies
in response. Moreover, both researchers and policy-makers can benefit from
forming better partnerships to ensure ongoing research relevance, dissemination,
and application.
The common goal of researchers and policy-makers is to reduce the burden
of suffering associated with children’s mental disorders. In contrast to
Bismarck, Galbraith commented: “Politics is not the art of the possible.
It consists in choosing between the disastrous and the unpalatable” (43).
If Galbraith is right, at the very least, child psychiatric epidemiology
can assist policy-makers to navigate between the unpalatability of diverting
resources from competing priorities and the disaster of not investing enough
in children’s mental health. Otherwise, the burden of suffering associated
with children’s mental disorders in Canada will remain unacceptably high.
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